Adivasis appear to be amongst the world’s most misunderstood and exploited communities in the name of religious identity. Over the last few weeks, misinformation about Adivasis religions, coupled with impulsive reactions to recent events, has caused widespread rifts among the Santali community, blurring the line between religious freedom and political imposition.
Celebrity vs. Religion – The Case of Dagar Tudu and Mary Hansda
Amidst the ongoing election in West Bengal, Dagar Tudu, a Santali singer and actress has been campaigning for Narendra Modi’s party. This has triggered massive unrest amongst social activists and people from the Santal community as the Bharatiya Janata Party is considered a staunch supporter of Hindutva ideology. In response, the clarion call to #Boycott_Dagar_Tudu has spread like wildfire on social media.
(Dagar Tudu campaigning for BJP candidate at Raiganj. Photo: Facebook)
In a similar but unrelated event, last week, on the eve of Easter, a video song titled ‘Jesu SangeLadaiLenai Marangburu Saitan,’ (Jesu has once fought against Marangburu Evil) was produced by Sacred Grove Media and Mary Hansda. The song, which portrays Santal God Marangburu in a negative light, was recorded at Tirkey Studio and sung by Mary Hansda. It received widespread criticism from several Human Rights activists hailing from the Santal community for its purportedly derogatory comparison of Marangburu to Saitaan. In the wake of these protests, many have called for the singer’s arrest, while others have campaigned to boycott all her albums.
(Mary Hansda singing the song defaming Marangburu. Photo: Facebook)
The cases of Dagar Tudu and Mary Hansda, and the overwhelming backlash they have received on social media, reveal the use of religion to amplify negativity and dissent among Santal communities in recent years. But the case of Dagar Tudu can be better understood through a quick examination of Santali political representation.
Adivasis and the West Bengal Election
In West Bengal, there are a total of 294 assembly seats out of which 67 seats are allotted to Scheduled Caste (SC) and only 16 seats are allotted to Scheduled Tribe (ST). Out of the 16 ST seats, BJP has allotted 10 seats to Santal candidates in the state. Hence, the calls for a boycott of actress Dagar Tudu in the wake of her ongoing political campaign of BJP candidates seem a prejudiced argument.
At the macro level, it is often assumed that campaigning for BJP necessitates embracing the party’s right-wing ideology. However, at the ground level, a cadre from Santal communities are better connected to issues affecting the Santal community through campaigning and lived experience. But, the presentation of these issues at the assembly, should not be dependent on the candidates’ religious identity so much as prioritizing the availability of a platform to amplify the community’s needs.
Therefore, the presumption that anyone supporting the BJP party automatically upholds Hindutva ideology or right-wing agenda is thoroughly vague. And if this is true, then we should also encourage boycotting of all 10 MLAs from BJP in on the ongoing WB election. In a secular and democratic country like India, each individual has the right to participate or support political parties of their choice, irrespective of their religious background.
Fear mongering and communal dissent among Adivasis
Since the last two decades, Adivasi people have lived amidst the influence of dominant religions which have increased communal and religious intolerance among different Adivasi communities.
However, even in the face of diversity, it is unfortunate that the fear of misrepresentation ends up destroying harmony among communities. Instead of fostering unity, fear-mongering undermines people’s ability to understand the concerns of others. Recent announcements of elections in 4 states and 1 union territory have led to more fear and declining respect for the traditional art and culture of different religious communities.
Democracy is not merely about holding free and fair elections but also ensuring representation of all sections of societies. Democracy necessitates building tolerance for all forms of religious belief.
However, contemporary governments have somehow failed to maintain the ethics of democracy but succeeded in dismantling the spirit of democracy in India on two broad accounts. First, they have destroyed secularism, and second, they have widened social and religious gaps among different communities.
Diverse Ideologies within the Santal community
According to the Santal mythology, Marangburu is the creator of this universe. For years, there has been an ongoing dispute of ideologies between 'converted' Santals and those with their ancient religious beliefs. The 'converted' Santals vehemently oppose traditions and religion as they are influenced by many external and internal reasons. For instance, Assam’s upcoming election has fueled hatred among the Santal community.
It is usually argued that social behavior among Tribal communities in India is so diverse, inconsistent and fluid that it is impossible to classify or treat it with any amount of consistency. But the existence of such diverse belief in ideologies among the Santal community begs a closer examination of its root cause.
In particular, Adivasi people need to understand the whole politics behind the divide among communities by outsiders. The discipline of Anthropology defines and describes Adivasis and their religious and cultural practices, as 'primitive', and ‘uncivilized', laying the foundation stone for the communities to be colonized and marginalized. Thereafter, colonial authorities and European missionaries, coined the term “Tribe”, for their own ease. Thus, it is essential that we Adivasis reframe our knowledge on different aspects of our life.
Accountability and Responsible Sharing
In his article titled “The Sacred Grove of Jharkhand Adivasis Where Trees Are Protected At Any Cost”, Ashish Biruli from Adivasi Lives Matter writes that “There are some major poojas that are performed at the Jaherthan” (the place where Santhals worship). However, this statement is wrong not only in its misnomers and misuse of terminology but also in its careless dissemination of misinformation about an already misunderstood community, on a widely followed public platform.
The aforementioned rituals performed by Santal communities are known as Bonga, and are vastly different from the Sanskritized “Poojas” that Biruli writes of. Poojas, which linguistically connote Hindu tradition, are conducted by a priest from very specific varna, who chants mantras and provides instruction only on behalf of the immediate family who employs him. This is completely different from the more community-driven Santal tradition of Bonga, where rituals are performed by a designated Naike who is selected irrespective of varna – in fact, the concept of varna does not even exist in Santal society. In Bonga, the Naike chants bakhed (invocation) for the family, extended family, and all others present. Moreover, Santal communities must be cognizant that the term ‘Scared Grove’ is not synonymous with ‘Jaherthan’ nor is it limited to geographic areas alone.
Dr. Sushree Sangita Mohanty, the Bhubaneswar-based anthropologist, explains that “Jahera, or Jaherthan can be linked to the Santal worldview that is grounded in several insights from evolving indigenous knowledge of the community to the wellbeing, adoption of skills, cultural practices, institutions, and the process of acculturation or integration. Jaherthan is not practiced by all Adivasi but specific to Santals. Jaherthan is also not the open place surrounded Shakwa trees mentioned in this article. Villages before formation need to be Tengen (Checked for an appropriation of place through specific rituals) and this is the case of Jaherthan. There are many aspects of Santal worldview regarding formation for Jaherthan and rituals attached. One needs to know or research well before presenting it to the wider world.
In this case, Biruli’s careless or uninformed misnomers on a platform as widely followed as ‘Adivasi Lives Matter’ is irresponsible and spreads misinformation. Biruli is himself Adivasi, and his platform is one of few in the country that writes extensively about Adivasi issues, and careless misinformation on these few platforms does more harm than good for Adivasi communities, serving to increase misunderstanding and misconception about Adivasi lives and practices, in a way that is reminiscent of Colonial epistemicide and erasure.
(Jaherthan Tengen at Sunderpur, Khurda District, Odisha. Photo: Kadey Soren)
In response to recent events, Udaynath Majhi, Ex-Indian Railway Services and social worker renowned in the Santal community, cautions against the politicization of religion. “Bidin/Sarna (followers of original Adivasi religion) should not be hated in competition with emerging Adivasi followers of other religions”, Majhi said. “Rather, where possible, we should work towards unity and focus on reintegrating those who have migrated to other religions, with our (Santal) traditions and rituals,” he underlined.
In her recent article published at The Wire, Jacinta Kerketta emphasized, “Adivasi must understand their cultural, religious, life values and fight the evils in the society and surmount orthodox ideologies within and outside their communities.” Biruli, and public Adivasi figures like him, must be hyper-aware of the reach, significance, and impact of their public platforms, and must thus be more cautious, well-informed, and responsible in their representation of Adivasi culture and traditions. At a time when misinformation about religion is being wrongfully tied to democratic participation and political imposition, careless or intentional misinformation on public platforms only serves to further fuel growing disharmony between communities, be it in the name of religious identity, or otherwise.
On a macro-scale this can have devastating results within global communities, fostering hatred, conflict, and violence; in recent times there have been many such examples of non-democratic propaganda and mechanisms supported by world dominant religions, from Hindu nationalism in India to Buddhist repression of Muslim minorities in Myanmar.
Way forward
It is now more imperative than ever, for Adivasis to re-evaluate the collision of religious beliefs on democratic participation; it is important to check and responsibly represent how religions are “lived” by Adivasis and how they are organized in local communities. It is only through proper information and research that people will understand that Adivasi traditions, religious practices, rituals, and ways of living, support democracy in all respects.
Adivasis across the length and breadth of India need to re-examine political imposition towards their faith. Opportunities within Adivasi religious groups to speak out, organize, and lead have helped people acquire civic skills that they could use in democratic participation.
Hence, the enormous impression conveyed by the above-cited cases is that religions are inherently neither necessarily pro- nor anti-democratic nor even for religious freedom or against it. Every state of affairs must be thoroughly examined before we react.
Author
Kadey Soren is a Bhubaneswar-based development professional and the author of “Rethinking on Tribal Education in Mayurbhanj district of Odisha.” Soren belongs to the Santal community.
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